Mother-tongue education in South African primary schools remains a challenge to policymakers. The situation is problematic in multilingual
The article’s first purpose is to highlight recent international and local research which depicts controversies surrounding mother tongue instruction in primary schools. The second purpose is to conceptualise
Data was gathered through a qualitative approach using interviews. The interviews were conducted with parents and educators at a township in South Africa.
Findings show notable differences in school language of instruction and the languages children speak outside school.
Mother tongue teaching is problematic as it is incongruent with learners’ language repertoires. Therefore, a call is made for the recognition of
Mother-tongue education has been recognised as having potential benefits to young children’s performance in school (Stoop
Research has shown that children’s first language or mother tongue is the optimal language for literacy and learning throughout primary school (UNESCO
In South Africa, African language-speaking children are taught in their mother tongue for only three years, after which they switch to English in Grade 4. This switch foregrounds English as the ‘main’ language of learning and teaching (Madiba
Taking the above argument into account, mother-tongue education seems to be a barrier to learners’ progress in the early years of education. It can be argued that instead of enhancing classroom performance in township schools, mother-tongue education mostly advantages first language Afrikaans and English speakers in more affluent schools. For township learners, the standard African languages may in fact not be their native dialects (Cook
To address the low academic achievement, proponents of mother-tongue education suggest teaching in the language that children speak at home (Krause
When considering schooling models that could work in South Africa, academics and policymakers often cite the ‘immersion programmes’ of French-Canadian schools (Genesee
Similar to Canada, South African is a pluralist society. For instance, in a typical township classroom one can find 50 learners who speak 12 different mother tongues between them, especially in Gauteng (Muller
Underpinning the current South African Language in Education Policy (LiEP) is the ‘additive bilingualism’ paradigm (Welch
Although children who have little exposure to second language may be better prepared for school, they will need ongoing support to acquire sufficient proficiency in it. Lightbown (
In contrast to the additive bilingual approach is the subtractive or immersion approach. In this approach mother tongue is initially used as a medium of instruction but it is soon replaced with the target language, which, in the South African context, is predominantly English (Alexander
The common subtractive bilingual model or approach is the ‘straight-for-the-target language’ (Heugh
The sociopolitical problems underlying mother-tongue education in South Africa date back to the apartheid era. The apartheid nationalist government policy to preserve ethnic identities went to the extent of attempting to create monolingual societies out of multilingual South Africa (Banda
In order to address the language problems in education, government enacted the LiEP (Department of Education
The current study takes place in Kagiso, a multilingual township
This article is part of a larger study that examined early childhood literacy practices in a multilingual township. A qualitative research design with a case study approach was used to guide the study of early childhood literacy practices of Grade 3 children in Kagiso township in the west of Johannesburg, South Africa. Data was collected over a period of 9 months, through in-school and out-of-school observations, interviews and conversations with educators and family members of learners who participated in the study. This research approach presented opportunities to develop an in-depth account of meanings of literacies of young learners. It also supported the need to understand how language and social context transect to promote comprehensive classroom instruction and literacy development, particularly in the foundation phase. The aim of the broader case study was to explore early childhood literacy practices in a multilingual township. However, the current study was not the initial aim of the broader case study but a result of an incidental finding; as such a research question emerged:
Ms Hamba is a foundation phase teacher at Kutlwano Primary School. She is in her early 50s and has been teaching the foundation phase for more than 30 years. She teaches one of the three Setswana medium classes. Although Setswana is not her mother tongue, she is fluent in Setswana as she grew up in Mahikeng in the North West, a predominantly Setswana-speaking province. She is married to a Setswana-speaking husband. Her loud and authoritative voice seems to instil strict discipline in her class. She makes learners who do not do their homework or misbehave in class do their school work while kneeling or squatting on the floor for the entire 30 min of the lesson.
What seems to be the problem?
The problem is mother tongue. Learners have a very weak foundation in mother tongue.
Does this apply to both home language and English?
The isiZulu or Setswana they learn in class differs from what they speak at home. I think their home language is affected by their environment.
What is wrong with their environment?
You find that the father of the child is Tswana and the mother is Venda and the child plays with Zulu children. The child gets confused. These children don’t understand even their home language. They don’t have a proper home language.
How then do they learn?
Those from good crèches learn much better in English but they have problems when they learn in Setswana in foundation phase.
What happens with those who are not from good crèches?
Those experience serious problems in English, especially in Grade 4 when they switch to English only. English is foreign to them. It is white people’s language for Model Cs.
This extract epitomises the complexities of multilingualism in the Gauteng schools. As Ms Hamba points out, it is probably extremely difficult for township children to have a solid foundation of home language because of the mixed language setting in their families. This leads them not to have a ‘proper home language’. As Ms Hamba indicates, the isiZulu or Setswana that children learn in class differs from what they speak at home, because that is mostly a mixture of different languages. Arguably, nothing is wrong with the children’s mother tongue, but the problem is the notion of ‘mother tongue’. Drawing on Krause’s (
Ms Hamba observes that children who attended ‘good crèches’ (preschools) speak ‘good English’ while those who did not attend good ones lack English proficiency, which is assumed to be predictor for success. Although children from ‘good’ crèches or preschools are said to speak better English, they experience problems in Setswana. What seems problematic is their early exposure to English in crèches that use the straight-for-target language (English) approach (Ball
Ms Fakude is a foundation phase teacher with 20 years of teaching experience. She is a Zulu mother tongue speaker from KwaZulu-Natal, a predominantly isiZulu-speaking province in South Africa. She prefers to be interviewed mainly in isiZulu (parts of the transcript have been translated to English). Ms Fakude teaches one of the two isiZulu medium Grade 3 classes.
How does all this affect the children you teach?
It’s a pity for my young learners who are exposed to the wrong Zulu and many other languages at a very young age. They mix Zulu with other languages such as Setswana, Xhosa or Swati. They tend to throw in a lot of Xhosa and Swati words partly because they think it is cool and mainly because those languages resemble Zulu. Here in Kagiso they’ve their own Zulu dialect.
Is this Zulu dialect acceptable in the classroom?
Although this dialect differs in accentuation from the one spoken in KwaZulu-Natal (KZN), I think it should be accepted here in Gauteng as another version of the standard language. Because even in KwaZulu-Natal many different varieties are spoken from place to place.
When you teach content subjects in Zulu are your learners able to grasp key concepts?
That is a major problem because isiZulu, like other African languages, borrows a lot from English and Afrikaans as we do not have Zulu equivalents for some words.
In Vignette 2, there is evidence that Ms Fakude prides herself of being a ‘pure Zulu’ from KwaZulu-Natal. By using belittling terms such as ‘township Zulu’ and ‘wrong Zulu’, it is apparent that she disparages the ‘inferior’ form of Zulu spoken in Johannesburg. Although she despises her colleagues’ inferior Zulu, ‘
Many South Africans, especially those in urban areas, are highly multilingual, and it is often difficult to identify a single first language for a particular child or assess children’s proficiencies in the languages they speak. (p. 38)
As Ms Fakude admits that isiZulu is localised, she suggests recognition of township isiZulu as another dialect, just as the different isiZulu dialects spoken in KwaZulu-Natal are recognised.
Mr Miya is a parent of one of the five learners participating in the initial study. He is isiXhosa speaking while his wife is Setswana speaking. In his home, he prefers using Setswana with his family. As a general worker in a factory, Mr Miya is rarely at home because he works long hours. He usually leaves for work when his children are still asleep and returns when they are already in bed. Besides his busy schedule, Mr Miya actively participates in the affairs of the school where this study is conducted. He is the chairperson of the SGB, which among its main functions decides on the language policy of the school. Mr Miya is very opinionated on school curriculum issues and other matters concerning the school. He is also doing distance learning studies in Theology at the University of South Africa.
Why do you say children don’t understand when teachers speak pure Setswana?
Teachers in this school teach a North West type of Setswana. Setswana has different dialects which are problematic. You can speak North West Setswana and I speak Gauteng Setswana. What is written in books is pure Setswana. Because I’m used to my second grade Setswana, the book Setswana seems different.
Does it mean that children don’t understand the standard Setswana written in the books?
Yes, that’s what I mean. In the whole of Kagiso we’ve our own style of speaking Setswana. You go to Mohlakeng, they’ve their own style of speaking Tswana. You go to Carletonville and Khutsong, they speak their own different type of Setswana. Even in Zeerust, Mafikeng and Rustenburg, they speak different Setswana. You go to Taung, Klerksdorp, Kimberly, their Tswanas are not the same. I don’t have to like pure Tswana but it has to be taught properly. If our children are not taught their own language, it will die. The next generation won’t even know this language.
Does it mean that some of the teachers don’t know the language?
Their approach to teaching is wrong. I may not be eloquent in pure Tswana but I make an effort to learn. Teachers must learn real Setswana from pure Batswana. There are many pure Tswana speakers in our township that speak real Tswana.
What is your definition of being educated?
Education is not books. My mother seated there could know a lot more about my Xhosa language than a professor of Xhosa who knows what he just reads in books. She may know folk songs and their meanings and different Xhosa rituals, which form our culture and language, which educated people don’t take seriously. So the teachers don’t learn from the people who have got the knowledge and the know-how.
What do you think about materials such as books and worksheets that are used in schools?
Most of the words in the Department of Education books are not written in standard Tswana. They’re just written in township street-Tswana.
So how are teachers linked to this?
If teachers see errors, they must correct them so that they teach children the right thing. Since our teachers don’t know the right language, they teach our kids wrong Tswana, which means our children
In Vignette 3, Mr Miya describes standard Setswana using terms similar to those of Ms Fakude: ‘pure’ and ‘real’. These terms seem to denote authenticity. In his view, township Setswana is ‘wrong’, ‘second grade’, ‘Gauteng Setswana’ as compared to ‘North West Setswana’. Mr Miya’s remarks exemplify the intricate complexities of the diverse Setswana structure located not only within the multilingual Gauteng townships, but in South Africa as a whole. Standard Setswana taught in school is positioned in physical space based on different regional dialects spoken in South Africa. An interesting aspect from this extract is the difference between the Afrocentric and Western conceptualisation of standard language: while in the West standard language is associated with middle class and higher education levels (Trudgill
Ms Zungu is the aunt and guardian of Thandi, one of the learners participating in the initial study. She has a high school level of education and a qualification in hospital auxiliary service which involves assisting patients in hospitals. Ms Zungu speaks freely about her background and gives insight into Thandi’s life and the activities that she engages in at home. She seems interested in the education of her daughters, Mpho and Thandi. Ms Zungu outlines the challenges that her children face at school, particularly with Setswana and isiXhosa, and describes the nature of assistance they get. Ms Zungu is isiZulu speaking and prefers having the interview in isiZulu.
How are the children progressing in school?
Thandi has problems with Setswana because it is not our home language. If she fails Home Language she won’t proceed to the next grade. The Setswana that she does at school is not our language. Here in this house we speak township Zulu. She doesn’t even know how to count from 1 to 20 in Setswana. Whenever she has problems she seeks help from others.
In which language do they learn?
Thandi is in Grade 3 so she does all her subjects in Setswana, except the English subject. Mpho is Grade 6 so she does all hers in English and does Xhosa as a subject. By the way when Mpho started Grade 1, the school was supposed to offer Xhosa, Zulu and Setswana. She was put in Xhosa class because the Zulu class was cancelled as there was no one to teach it.
How important is Setswana and isiXhosa?
In order to be promoted to the next grade they must pass both the African languages and English. Mpho failed last term, in March, because she got a level 3 [40%] in isiXhosa. Although she had levels 6s [70%] and 7s [80% +] in all other subjects. She cried and said, ‘Mum I did well in all other subjects but I failed Xhosa because we do it only once a week’.
What do you do when Thandi needs help with Setswana?
Thandi gets help from my brother’s wife, Ipotseng. Ipotseng is originally from Rustenburg and speaks pure Setswana. My mum can also speak Setswana because she attended a Roman Catholic school (where Setswana was the lingua franca) but Mum is a local girl. I’m also a local girl. Although Mum did Setswana at school, she struggles to help Thandi because the level of Setswana in these kids’ books is too high.
Who helps Mpho with Xhosa?
Mpho usually gets help from our neighbour, Noma. You see, Noma is a pure Xhosa, straight from Eastern Cape.
What did you mean when you said you and your mum are local girls?
Oh, I mean that we were born in the township. You see, I am Zulu but I don’t speak the KZN Zulu. I speak township Zulu. People born here in the township speak many different languages although they may not be fluent in them.
Two important issues pertaining to language emerge from this extract: the issue of progression and promotion and the linguistic background of learners. According to the current policy on promotion and progression in primary school, learners are required to pass both the home language and first additional language. Ms Zungu finds mother tongue difficult for her children who speak a different language at home. Mpho’s problem seems to be the school’s over-emphasis on English and neglect of Xhosa which is taught by a non-Xhosa speaking teacher who is not fluent in the language. Mpho also alleges that Xhosa is taught only once a week although it is a critical subject which suggests a lack of commitment by the school in teaching the subject. Since the initial study did not focus on Grade 6, Mpho’s allegation could not be verified. Of importance, Ms Zungu uses the term, ‘local girl’, priding herself on her township identity which is associated with a sense of belonging and her
Two key themes emerge from the data: the relevance of rural-based standard languages and possibility for urban
One of the key themes emerging from these extracts is the issue of language and identity. Ms Fakude finds speaking ‘pure’ Zulu an important aspect of her sense of identity as opposed to inferior ‘Johannesburg Zulu’. According to Hodgson (
Mr Miya’s remark, ‘I speak Gauteng Setswana’, identifies a language form with an urban geographical space. He admits to speaking an inferior Setswana that he describes as ‘second grade’. Mr Miya highlights the relationship between language and identity where the urban dialects are associated with ‘urbanness’ or being modern. For example, he uses the demeaning term ‘
In conclusion, the current standard languages are considered irrelevant to the current linguistic structure. Urban dwellers associate them with ruralness and backwardness. In stark contrast to this perception is the pride of upholding standard languages. For example, Ms Fakude says ‘
From the data, what seems problematic is the over-emphasis on spoken mother tongue as the sole predictor for success in school. Evidence from research shows that exposure to more complex lexicons and grammar is through reading, not just speaking. For example, Macdonald’s (
As has been highlighted, spoken language proficiency on its own does not always lead to success in school. There seems to be a correlation between achievement and ability to read for meaning. The PIRLS 2016 results show that learners who had very poor test scores in indigenous African languages were unable to read for meaning (Spaull
Data from the study suggests that the language forms or dialects of children do not just disappear in the townships but emerge in the classroom. This calls for the recognition of each dialect as constituting a well-developed linguistic system with its own rules for variations from the standard language. In other words, speakers of dialects express linguistic
This pedagogical challenge requests elevation of township lingua to a recognised dialect. Given the South African context, the concept of ‘mother tongue’ is increasingly becoming ambiguous and flawed considering the rural-urban migration and the changing langscape (Slabbert & Finlayson
The author declares that there is no financial gain or personal relationship with participants or other parties that may have had inappropriate influenced the writing of this article.
R.S. collected and analysed the data and put the paper together to meet the requirements of
This article followed all ethical standards for carrying out research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.
This research received funding from the Faculty of Humanities Research Fund.
Data sharing is not applicable to this article as no new data were created or analysed in this study.
Views submitted are the author’s and not an official position of any institution or funder.
The word ‘langscape’ is used by linguists to refer to the linguistic make up of a particular community, environment or place and purpose of language practice (Muller
Designated residential areas for black and mixed race people under the Group Areas Act 1950, during the apartheid years.
A pseudonym used to protect the identity of the school and participants.
Schools meant for white children before 1994.
Languages including isiZulu, isiXhosa, siSwati and isiNdebele.